After Sammy Yatim videos, we’ll all want to see what’s next: DiManno
There is no justification — none — for nine shots in 13 seconds in the middle of the city.
You know when that 
kind of lethal fusillade typically occurs in a densely populated urban 
area? During shootouts between heedless, sloppy, sociopathic street 
gangs.
Cops are supposed to have better judgment.
There would, rightly, 
be outrage if feuding thugs with guns started blasting on a 
well-travelled downtown artery, much less aiming their fire at a 
streetcar. Sadly, this phenomenon is not unknown in Toronto: 11-year-old
 Tamara Carter struck in the head by a “stray” bullet in November 2004, 
after a man told three youths who had been harassing other passengers on
 a Jane St. bus to knock it off; Jesse Kay paralyzed from the neck down 
when stepping off an Eglinton bus, blasted three times in the chest at 
close range in 2011; Richard Haynes opening fire on a man with whom he’d
 quarrelled earlier in the day, Feb. 23, 2009, bullets ricocheting 
around the Oakwood Ave. bus as women with children dove out of the way.
That last 
incident was recorded in breathtakingly clear images by four on-board 
surveillance cameras — horrific footage to watch but impossible to 
dispute, which is why Haynes pleaded guilty to attempted murder, 
receiving a nine-year sentence. The installation of those unblinking 
lenses was part of a $17-million project equipping all TTC ground 
vehicles with high-quality cameras.
Presumably, therefore, just as good video images exist of what exactly happened on the 505 Dundas streetcar shortly after midnight Saturday, resulting in the death of 18-year-old Sammy Yatim: Shot by cops.
We rely on indirect 
and second-hand ID because neither the cops nor the Special 
Investigations Unit have yet released the victim’s name. This, just for 
starters, is unacceptable. Death by cop, or in any violent 
circumstances, is not a private matter. As harsh as it may sound, the 
dead don’t have any right to privacy, to be anonymously mourned by loved
 ones. 
The nameless are also 
the faceless and too easy to ignore. Further, the whole community has 
something at stake when so public and alarming an event occurs. Yet 
police in this country have become accustomed to withholding 
information, as they choose, ducking behind the curtain of privacy laws 
selectively wielded.
Similarly, if 
we were to depend on cops for a forthright account of what transpired in
 and around Car 505, the truth might never come out. Are there witness 
officers, those who can be compelled to answers questions from the SIU? 
Or are they all subject officers, who by law have the right to lawyer up
 and decline interviews? That would depend on how many of the cops 
present discharged their firearms — another detail not yet disclosed, 
though SIU investigators would have gathered all the weapons by now.
In olden days — about 
15 minutes ago — we would have relied on witness accounts and 
investigator interviews (if their contents were ever disclosed) to 
understand how such a dreadful outcome resulted, the killing of what may
 have been yet one more mentally distressed individual who challenged 
police officers. That knife-brandishing person does not appear to have 
put any civilians at significant risk because, according to one 
passenger who spoke to the Star afterwards, the young man had ordered 
everyone off the streetcar just west of Bathurst St. It’s been claimed 
the victim was even pleading for help, left alone on that streetcar.
There was no innocent bystander in his immediate vicinity.
There was no gun in a crazed man’s hand.
There was no close-quarter struggle.
There was little 
likelihood the disturbed individual would take the rail-bound public 
vehicle on a police chase, as did Richard Kachkar, with such tragic 
results, in his commandeering of snow plow.
There was, in fact, no
 “showdown” — the word applied by media to whatever provoked the lethal 
use of force by cops — at least not as indicated by citizen-journalism 
video that captured the event, snatches of cellphone
 video posted online. One, in particular, shows the teenager standing 
just above the well of the streetcar’s front door. It’s not clear if 
Yatim is the person who can be overheard saying — on one enhanced 
version of the audio — “You’re a pussy. You’re a f---ing pussy.” What 
can be heard are the repeated orders from police to “drop the knife.”
And then the relentlessly bang-bang-bang, bang, stop, bang, stop, more bangs still.
One knife, multiple 
guns unholstered, and no reason — to these eyes — why the situation 
might not have been de-escalated. Certainly there seemed no necessity to
 rush toward an avoidable climax; perhaps wait for police experts in 
negotiation to arrive.
Instead, a Toronto 
family is planning a funeral and yet again police will be assailed for 
imprudent action taken in the heat of the moment. But was it so very hot
 and seething?
Studies conducted by 
criminologists have indicated that roughly one-third of police shootings
 in Canada that resulted in death or injury involved people either 
diagnosed or suspected of mental illness.
We don’t kill crazy 
people, do we? Well, I guess we do, or cops do, and they rationalize it 
as an appropriate response to a threat. After-fact review routinely 
agrees with those decisions.
But the world is 
changing. An officer’s word need no longer be the determining factor. 
There are eyes-on everywhere, and ubiquitous gadgetry to record what’s 
in dispute. 
Coroner’s inquests 
have been held, over and over, at least 10 probes of fatal shootings by 
police in Toronto over the past two decades: Lester Donaldson, Edmund 
Yu, Wayne Williams, Reyal Jardine-Douglas, Sylvia Klibingaitis, Michael 
Eligon, Byron Debassige, Otto Vass — the names of the dead go on and on,
 purported menaces to the public and police, whether wielding a paring 
knife or a pair of scissors but really armed with little more beyond the
 paranoia in their head and irrational behaviour exhibited.
The coroner’s 
recommendations are inevitably the same: better training for officers, 
better access to treatment when people are in mental crisis, 
intercession before a situation erupts in lethal firepower — such as the
 mobile crisis intervention teams that have been created for some 
Toronto police divisions, incorporating a plainclothes officer and a 
psychiatric nurse.
Police say those units
 are not equipped to respond to immediate threats of violence, which 
rather negates their usefulness when most required, if the assertion is 
to be believed.
It’s quite true that 
cops aren’t social workers; they react to the situation unfolding before
 them, not to the potential mental disturbance of a subject. Yet 
front-line officers deal every day with psychiatric patients and the 
mentally compromised — many of them dangerous in the moment only because
 they’ve gone off their meds, spiralling out of sensibility.
How can the likelihood of such encounters not be a vigorously addressed component of their training?
There’s been entirely too much looking back, as if in helplessness over fatal consequences.
 
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